2013 Shunto Demands2013年春闘要求事項

安定した雇用について On Job Security

 

1 会社は、全組合員の安定した雇用を実現するため、労働条件を悪化することなく、契約を自動更新すること。

 

The company automatically extend contracts without degrading working conditions in order to establish job security.

 

2 会社は、全員の講師が契約を途中で解除する自由を認めるとともに、その自由が存することを全講師に周知すること。

The company recognize and notify instructors of the right to terminate the contract at any time.

 

3 会社は、第1項及び第2項に基づいて、組合並びに支部と「安定雇用労働協約」を締結すること。

The company conclude with the union and local a “Job Security Labor-Management Agreement” based on demands #1 and #2.

 

事前協議について On Jizen Kyogi (Prior Consultation)

 

4 会社は、組合員の人事異動、懲戒処分、解雇(本人の意思に反するあらゆる契約終了を含む)を行う場合、事前に組合並びに支部に通知し、協議の上、同意を得て実施すること。

 

The company inform, negotiate with and obtain agreement from union and local before any transfers, disciplinary measures or dismissal of any union member; including all forms of severance against the wishes of the union member.

 

5 会社は、第4項に基づいて、組合並びに支部と「事前協議労働協約」を締結すること。

 

The company conclude with the union and local a “Jizen Kyogi Labor-Management Agreement” based on demand #4.

 

便宜供与について On Bengi Kyoyo (Use of Facilities)

 

6 会社は、会社施設内での組合の相互連絡、ニュース・ビラの配布、会議室使用などの組合活動を許可すること。また、各ラーニングスタジオの休憩室と本社において、組合業務のための掲示板をーつ貸与すること。

The company permit the distribution of flyers, newsletters and other union correspondence on company premises as well as the use of company meeting rooms for union activities. Further, the company provide one bulletin board in the break room of each LS and one at headquarters for the use of the union.

 

7 会社は、イニシャル・サーティフィケーション及びベルト・アップ・サーティフィケーションという研修への組合代表者の立ち会いを許可し、同研修を受けている講師らに対し、労働組合に関する情報提供並びに質疑応答のための時間として15分を確保すること。

The company permit union representatives to attend Initial Certification and Build Up Certification training to make a fifteen-minute presentation and answer questions about the union.

 

8 会社は、第6項及び第7項に基づいて、組合並びに支部と「便宜供与労働協約」を締結すること。

The company conclude with the union and local a “Bengi Kyoyo Labor-Management Agreement” based on demands #6, and #7.

 

透明性について On Transparency

 

9 会社は、毎年の損益計算書、貸借対照表などの財務諸表、経営方針、重要事項(主要資産の処分・購入、役員の変更など)の情報について、速やかに組合並びに支部に公開し、内容の説明をすること。

 

The company immediately disclose and explain to union and local each year’s financial documents, including profit-loss statement and balance sheet; as well as management policy, important actions such as purchase or sale of assets, changes in executive board and the like.

 

10 会社は、組合員の働き方と振る舞いについての評価を行う際、使用されている基準を明確にする文書の日本語版と英語版の両方を、組合並びに支部に交付すること。なお、会社は、講師と社員が順守しなければならない、授業提供についての規定の日本語版と英語版の両方を、組合並びに支部に交付すること。

The company provide union and local with Japanese language and English language versions of the standards it uses when evaluating instructor performance and conduct, as well as policies pertaining to the provision of lessons that staff and instructors must follow.

 

11 会社は、講師の働き方と振る舞いについて記録されている、各組合員の「My Schedule for Instructors」というファイルを組合並びに支部に交付すること。

 

The company provide union and local with a written copy of the complete contents of each union member’s My Schedule for Instructors file, including all comments written by Gaba staff pertaining to evaluation of performance and conduct.

 

12 会社は、第9項及~11項に基づいて、組合並びに支部と「透明性労働協約」を締結すること。

 

The company conclude with the union and local a “Transparency Labor-Management Agreement” based on demands #9-11.

 

働く環境について On Working Environment

 

13 会社は、レッスンの前日の18:00以降にレッスンをキャンセルされた場合、レッスン料の全額を支払うこと。また、キャンセルの後、講師はキャンセルされたレッスンの時間帯に、新たに別の生徒にレッスンをした場合、会社は、新たに発生したレッスンの料金も支払うこと。

 

The company, if a lesson is canceled after 6:00pm the night before it is scheduled to be taught, provide the instructor full compensation for the lesson. If the instructor then teaches a different client during the same time slot, the company pay the instructor for both lessons.

 

14 会社は、労働協約の締結日から6ヶ月以内に、講師がオンラインで簡単にレッスン時間帯を「クローズ」することができるよう、マイ Gaba フォア・インストラクターズというホームページを修正すること。

The company, within six months of signing the agreement, adapt My Gaba For Instructors to enable instructors to close lessons online at any time.

 

15 会社は、目立たない限り、耳以外のピアスを許可すること。また、女性と同様に男性のピアスを許可すること。また、クールビズの時期のみならず、年中通じてネクタイの着用を講師の裁量に委ねること。

The company amend its dress code as follows: the company permit piercings other than in the ear provided they are understated; the company permit men the equal right to piercings as women; and the company permit instructors to regard neckties as optional year-round.

 

16 会社は、年に6日間の無給の病気休暇を認めること。また、会社は体調不良の講師に対して出勤するよう圧力をかけたり、医師の診断書を求めたりしないこと。なお会社は、開校前に病欠の連絡ができる方法を工夫すること。それから会社は、病欠した講師に対して、契約更新やベルトなどにおいて一切の不利益取り扱いをしないこと。

The company give instructors 6 days per year in which they can call in sick. The company not pressure sick instructors to teach lessons while sick. The company not request doctors’ notes or other proof of sickness. The company provide instructors a means to call-in sick prior to the opening of the LS. There be no repercussions in terms of contract renewal or belting.

 

17 会社は、組合員と経営者がそれぞれ同数で構成される苦情処理委員会を結成すること。

The company establish a grievance committee, half of the members of which being union members and half of which being appointed by management.

 

18 会社は、イニシャル・サーティフィケーションという研修が完成次第、3ヶ月ごとにホームラーニングスタジオをどこにするかを決める自由を認めること。会社は講師のホームラーニングスタジオにおいて、ブースが空いてる限り、講師が提出したスケジュールを承認すること。なお、会社は、スケジュールを組む際には、非組合員より組合員を、勤続年数の短い講師より勤続年数の長い講師を優先すること。

The company grant instructors the freedom to determine their home LS upon completion of initial certification and once every three months thereafter. The company accept any schedule submitted by an instructor for their home LS contingent on booth availability, giving priority to union instructors according to seniority.

 

19 会社は、FM、FL、LPA、レッド、ブラック、そして顧客に依頼されないグリーンという予約について、非組合員より組合員を、勤続年数の短い講師より勤続年数の長い講師を優先して振り当てること。

 

The company allocate red and black bookings, FMs, FLs, LPAs and green bookings not requested by the client to available union members based on seniority.

20 会社は、該当するラーニングスタジオにおいて、予約の入らないコマの割合が、3ヶ月間で10%以下にならない限りにおいて、新たな講師を同ラーニングスタジオに配置しないこと。なお、講師を配置する場合には、ブース数に対する講師の数の割合を10対1以下とすること。

 

The company not assign any new instructors to any LS until the average number of unbooked lesson slots over a three-month period falls below 10% for that LS. In that case, one instructor may be assigned for every ten booths, rounded to the nearest ten.

 

21 会社は、上記の条項(第12項~第19項)に基づいて、組合並びに支部と「労働環境の労働協約」を締結すること。

The company conclude with the union and local a “Working Environment Labor-Management Agreement” based on demands #12-19.

 

Five-Year Rule Seminar

Does new Labor Contract Law mean five years and out? Or five years and in?

「5年ルールセミナー」開催します!

Date:日 時 
Sunday, December 1, 2013 2:00pm to 5:00pm
2013年12月1日(日)午後2時00分〜午後5時00分

      No entrance fee! 参加はどなたでも無料です。

Read more

Real ‘labor cops’ also deserve to get the star treatment

By Hifumi Okunuki

Television meant little to me until this autumn. Now, every Wednesday at 10 p.m., I sit squarely in front of the tube, glued to the set for the next hour of the new comedy “Dandarin.”

In the show, Yuko Takeuchi plays a stubborn, by-the-book labor standards inspector named Rin Danda who loathes letting even the slightest infraction slide, making for some awkward, tense moments when she comes up against her more see-no-evil, hear-no-evil coworkers. Perhaps not surprisingly, never before has a TV show starred a labor standards inspector; before this series went on air, most people probably had no idea what they do.

Takeuchi told a magazine, “I never even knew the job of labor standards inspector existed until I got this role.” It’s not that the actress knows less than the average citizen; it’s that the job was nearly invisible and played no role in the quotidian lives of most people.

That said, recent high-profile cases of restructuring layoffs, unfair dismissals, long work hours, karōshi (death from overwork), karō jisatsu (overwork-induced suicides), incidents of sexual and power harassment, workplace bullying and other sometimes-life-or-death issues (the list goes on and on) suggest it was high time to shine a light on this invaluable profession. TV has regained meaning in my life — and, I hope, in the lives of others.

Tackling such a serious, inherently boring topic and attempting to turn it into a bundle of laughs for TV must have been quite a challenge — and a risk — for the producers. They have done all that and more. The show says a great deal about Japanese office politics and corporate practices that are long overdue some serious scrutiny.

Today some 52 million workers toil at about 4.3 million workplaces in Japan. First and foremost, labor standards inspectors are responsible for all these workers’ lives, safety and health. On top of that, they are supposed to ensure that working conditions comply with all relevant labor laws and regulations. They must pass a civil servants’ exam before being placed at one of the many labor standards inspection offices dotted around the country.

Inspectors have the right to regularly conduct compulsory spot raids on companies to investigate their records. They also have judicial police powers to seize assets to cover unpaid wages and even to arrest violators. They are often called “labor cops,” which would seem to be a pretty fair description.

With all these powers at the disposal of labor inspectors, you could be forgiven for imagining Japan must be a workers’ paradise where employee protections are universally respected. The sad fact, however, is that Japan is awash with rogue bosses who think of nothing but their bottom lines and how they can squeeze every last ounce of production from their workers. Ironically, the extraordinary enforcement powers inspectors have are precisely what makes them hesitant to act.

There is even a jargon term for useless inspectors who make their rounds to each company, take a quick glance around the workplace and leave: kyoro-kan. The word kyoro means to glance around, while kan means inspector. I wouldn’t dream of suggesting that all inspectors are kyoro-kan, but I have encountered several unmotivated inspectors in the past who did their best to discourage, dishearten and dissuade workers who had mustered the courage to blow the whistle on their bosses.

However, the biggest problem is systemic rather than personal. First, there are far too few inspectors. Tokyo Shimbun’s evening edition on Nov. 11, 2012, ran the headline “Tokyo’s 23 wards have one inspector for every 3,000 workplaces.” Such a ratio precludes thorough enforcement. Yet the government is pushing for further cuts and reduced hiring. Even the passionate few inspectors must feel powerless when faced with such daunting numbers. To do their job properly, they would have to — no irony intended — work themselves to death.

Here, I’d like to introduce an ongoing court case brought on Feb. 22, 2011, by the family of a 24-year-old man who killed himself due to working excessive overtime. He joined construction company Shinko Plantech in 2007 and supervised repair construction.

Working more than 40 hours a week of overtime violates the Labor Standards Law unless management has signed an Article 36 agreement (saburoku kyōtei) with a union or employee representing a majority of the workforce. Employers must register such agreements with their local labor standards inspection office (rōdō kijun kantokusho).

Guidelines limit overtime hours to 45 per month with exceptions, including construction. Shinko Plantech signed a saburoku kyōtei with the union for 200 extra hours per month. The worker could not handle the stress and killed himself a few months after hitting 218 hours of overtime work per month.

The family didn’t just sue the company; they also sued the labor standards inspection office for accepting such an outrageous saburoku kyōtei agreement — and even the labor union for signing it. It is the first lawsuit against a labor union for a karō jisatsu. The plaintiffs are asking for ¥130 million in damages, and the district court verdict is expected any day now.

In terms of overtime hours, the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare has drawn a line beyond which they believe workers face a high danger of death from overwork. That line is 80 hours for two to six months straight, or 100 hours for even one month. Shinko Plantech blew that number out of the water with their deal capping overtime at 200 hours per month — and they didn’t even comply with that number. The labor union then signed this deal — a pact that would make even yellow unions blush.

So what’s to be done? I think we need to get back to basics. We must never allow workers to work themselves into an early grave. Period. Let’s learn from Rin Danda, who unflinchingly and unapologetically squares off against scofflaw employers in the name of her prime directive: protecting workers. Even when her coworkers make fun of her dedication, she retorts, “I’m just doing my job.”

Yes, indeed, the job of a labor standards inspector is to protect the lives of workers. With that in mind, the central government must hire more inspectors so that they can take heart from the example of Rin Danda and pride in protecting Japan’s 52 million workers.

See Philip Brasor’s Oct. 20 Media Mix column, “Imagining civil servants who actually serve,” for more on “Dandarin.”
Hifumi Okunuki teaches at Sagami Women’s University and serves as the executive president of Tozen Union (Zenkoku Ippan Tokyo General Union). She can be reached attozen.okunuki@gmail.com. On the second Thursday of the month, Hifumi looks at cases in Japan’s legal history to illustrate important principles in labor law. Send your comments and story ideas to community@japantimes.co.jp.

http://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2013/11/13/issues/real-labor-cops-also-deserve-to-get-the-star-treatment/#.Urvog3m1lZg

[日本語版]Japan College of Foreign Languages Once Again Interferes With Legal Union Activity. We will not back down! またもや正当な組合活動を妨害した日本外国語専門学校(JCFL) ~それでも、私たちはへこたれません!

今朝(2013年10月18日)東ゼンJCFL支部組合員、東ゼン組合員、支持者が日本外国語専門学校(以下JCFLと略)に私たちの組合を拡大するためにJCFLでビラ配りをしました。以下はその報告です。

Read more

Japan College of Foreign Languages Once Again Interferes With Legal Union Activity. We will not back down! またもや正当な組合活動を妨害した日本外国語専門学校(JCFL) ~それでも、私たちはへこたれません!

This morning Tozen JCFL Local members, Tozen members, and supporters conducted a leafleting at JCFL in an effort to build our union there. Below is our report.

Leafleting Report

After gathering we walked together towards the school, put on our armbands, and got to leafleting. We began leafleting at 8:40. Several staffers immediately stood in front of the union members attempting to block them. The members kept their cool and persisted in leafleting, trying hard to get the leaflets to the students without touching the staffers. I tried to confront the staffers individually, informing them that this was a union action and they should not interfere. The staffers either ignored me or told me that they were outside to protect the students from cars, and that they are out there every day. Principal Iizuka said this several times as well. School staff, however, do not greet students in the street on a daily basis.

Read more

Is Sulejman Brkic no longer a member of the ICC Family?

Tozen member Sulejman Brkic was bloody illegally fired.

Fired TeacherICC Language Schools is a language school that has six branches in the Kanto area, with its headquarters in Yokohama. Sulejman Brkic has been teaching English and French courses at this school for twenty years. He has always been very popular among his students, not only because of his superb teaching skills, but also for his charming personality and his wry sense of humor. Sulejman loves his job, and has worked passionately for the past two decades.

Read more

スレイマン・ブルキッチ組合員は、もう「ICC Family」じゃないの?!

koushiboshu02a株式会社ICC(本社:横浜市)は、関東地域に6つのスクールをもつ語学学校です。スレイマン・ブルキッチ組合員は、20年間にわたり、ICCで英語とフランス語の講師として仕事をしてきました。ちょっぴり皮肉やさんながらとてもチャーミングな彼は、教え方にとても定評があり、生徒たちからの人気も抜群でした。彼はやりがいと情熱をもって20年間働いてきました。

Read more

The Special Dismissal Zone: where legal protections no longer apply

Strange bedfellows: Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto (right) chats to fellow co-leader of the Japan Restoration Party Shintaro Ishihara in Tokyo in June. Hashimoto announced last month that Osaka Prefecture and city will jointly submit a proposal to the Cabinet Office to set up a Special Challenge Zone where some labor protections would be relaxed or waived.
Strange bedfellows: Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto (right) chats to fellow co-leader of the Japan Restoration Party Shintaro Ishihara in Tokyo in June. Hashimoto announced last month that Osaka Prefecture and city will jointly submit a proposal to the Cabinet Office to set up a Special Challenge Zone where some labor protections would be relaxed or waived.

I couldn’t believe my ears when I heard about the government’s recent proposal to set up a Special Dismissal Zone on Japanese territory. “A what?” I hear you cry.

The Shinzo Abe government wants to make Japan “the most business-friendly climate in the world.” In May, he set up a National Strategy Special Zone Working Group, made proposals to local governments and corporations, and announced that special zones, or tokku, for health care, agriculture, education and other areas will be established.

The plan is to be submitted to an extraordinary session of the Diet in autumn as the Industrial Competitiveness Strengthening Bill. Most controversially, a so-called Special Employment Zone is among the options being considered, an idea that has already been dubbed the Special Dismissal Zone, or kaiko tokku, by the media.

Currently, throughout Japan, employers must overcome several high hurdles before they can dismiss an employee legally. In short, you can’t fire someone without a damn good reason.

The thinking for the Special Dismissal Zone, however, is that rules about sackings would be relaxed roughly to the point of “employment at will,” as is practiced in some parts of the United States. Within the zone, the idea is that if the worker and employer agree ahead of time on what behavior warrants dismissal, then such a dismissal under those circumstances will always be permitted, regardless of bothersome legal protections outside the zone. For instance, if employer and employee agree that the worker can be dismissed for turning up late once, then the employer can legally sack that worker when he clocks in at 9:30 for the very first time.

A second special feature of this zone would be that work hours would not be restricted for employees earning above a certain salary — currently set at about ¥8 million a year. That means employers could theoretically make their employees work all night and not pay them a single yen for the overtime. Such a high salary is safely beyond the grasp of most of us working stiffs, but keep an eye out for that falling floor — and watch out as that zone spreads.

A third sweetener for these business oases: The “five-year rule” wouldn’t apply if foreign workers make up more than 30 percent of an employer’s work force. This rule refers to the change to the Labor Contract Law (Article 18) that gives workers the chance to win permanent status if they stay with an employer for more than five years. I spoke about the problems emerging with this legal change in March (“Labor law reform raises rather than relieves workers’ worries,” March 19). Whatever the shortcomings of this reform, the special zone would suspend this protection to all company employees if a firm’s gaijinquota tops 3 out of 10.

Responding to the announcement of the kaiko tokku plan, Osaka’s firebrand mayor, Toru Hashimoto, on Sept. 11 announced that Osaka Prefecture and Osaka city will jointly submit a proposal to the Cabinet Office to set up a zone that would encourage performance-based wages, to be called the Special Challenge Zone. This zone would include Osaka’s economic heart, the Midosuji area. Companies paying above a certain wage would enjoy relaxed work-hour restrictions and the right to fire at will.

Osaka prefectural Gov. Ichiro Matsui stressed that the zone would only affect elite workers. “This is for highly skilled professionals, not for low-income workers,” he said. “This enables mismatches between employer and employee to be rectified by moving around high-income, highly skilled, self-confident workers. This is not for workers barely making ends meet.”

For workers, these plans come as a bolt out of the blue. What is going on here? Well, according to the government, clarifying dismissal rules will boost the development of new industries and attract start-up and foreign firms, creating a healthy investment climate in Japan for the world’s corporations.

Many business and political leaders whinge about how hard it is to fire someone in Japan. “It is harder to dismiss a worker in Japan than in any other country in the world,” they whine. “Japan is going to be left behind.” Is that really the case?

Article 16 of the Labor Contract Law states: “A dismissal is invalid and the right to dismiss has been abused when it lacks objective, rational grounds and cannot be deemed reasonable according to social norms.” I took this up in my February 2012 column (“Oversleeping radio anchor set tough precedent for firing staff,” Feb. 28, 2012).

In Japan, case law often leads to laws being rewritten. The wording of Article 16 has its origins in a Supreme Court case brought against Nippon Salt Manufacturing in 1975. The gist of the ruling was that employers cannot fire workers whenever they please. Since workers earn wages that form the basis for their livelihood and enable them to raise families, unchecked dismissals could lead to the breakdown of the family unit and cause instability even within society as a whole. Wages are the basis of workers’ livelihoods, so sackings should be avoided — that was the thinking behind this legal principle of kaikoken ranyō hōri, or abuse of the right to dismiss.

Business leaders and some politicians counter that the principle has left Japanese workers overprotected, and that it damages Japan’s competitive edge in the world. I must disagree strongly. Establishing the principle that you cannot dismiss a worker without good reason stabilizes industrial relations, places limits on the exercise of runaway, arbitrary power by employers, and helps preserve social harmony.

During Japan’s period of dramatic postwar economic growth, companies rallied under the slogans of “lifetime employment” and “your company is your family.” Jobs were far more secure back then. Granted, the slave-like treatment of workers during that time tarnishes the sheen of job security, but at least workers were not treated as disposable objects, to be used then tossed away like garbage.

The government and business community are swearing up and down that the new zones will only apply to elite, high-income workers. But I have no doubt that if we deregulate dismissal in these zones, the deregulation will break out into the wider world. This in turn will encourage workers to see each other as rivals rather than comrades, enemies rather than allies. When that day comes, who will be laughing from their high perch? The answer is too obvious to state.

More than 35 percent of workers in Japan are in irregular or contingent employment. Income is declining while the number of work hours and the number of workers not enrolled in the shakai hoken health and pension scheme continue to rise.

As Japan ages, more and more workers must provide nursing care to parents on top of tough, long-hour jobs. More employees are taking time off work, resigning or even killing themselves due to depression, which is now considered by some to be the national disease.

The last thing Japan needs is a Special Dismissal Zone to make workers more miserable than ever.

“Taking back Japan” is one of the Abe government’s favorite catchphrases. Around town, you see this phrase in bold letters splashed across huge posters depicting the prime minister gazing into the distance, the Hinomaru flag fluttering in the background. But I cannot see where Abe’s eyes are looking. From and to where does he want to “take Japan back”?

——————————
Hifumi Okunuki teaches at Sagami Women’s University and serves as the executive president of Tozen Union (Zenkoku Ippan Tokyo General Union). She can be reached at tozen.okunuki@gmail.com. On the third Tuesday of the month, Hifumi looks at cases in Japan’s legal history to illustrate important principles in labor law.

This article originally published in the Japan Times at:
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2013/10/07/how-tos/the-special-dismissal-zone-where-legal-protections-no-longer-apply/#.UlZp5hYijHg

Matahara: turning the clock back on women’s rights

SOURCE: NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF POPULATION AND SOCIAL SECURITY RESEARCH 14TH CHILDBIRTH TREND STUDY (2011); GRAPHIC BY TIM O'BREE
SOURCE: NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF POPULATION AND SOCIAL SECURITY RESEARCH 14TH CHILDBIRTH TREND STUDY (2011); GRAPHIC BY TIM O’BREE

Matahara: turning the clock back on women’s rights
Maternity harassment‘ concept coined amid reports of bullying over pregnancy at work
BY HIFUMI OKUNUKI

“When I told my company I was pregnant, they fired me.”
“I was delighted to be hired by a company I loved. Then my boss made me promise not to get pregnant for a while.”

In last October’s Labor Pains, I discussed maternal job rights in “Labor law protects expectant and new mothers — to a point.” Today, I would like to address a new legal concept known as “maternity harassment,” or matahara, in the syllabic acronym engendered by this growing — and disturbing — trend.

Read more